INTRODUCTION:This work deals with issues related to the partnership between the public sector, SUS and SUAS, making a theoretical and empirical work on. 13; student movements, 26, 31, 37, 45, 69, 79, 97, solidarity, popular, Sposati, Aldaiza, , State Public Housing Commission (CDHU),i04 UNE. São Paulo SP Brasil. [email protected] Abstract. After 30 years in force, CF must be salvaged and commemorated but also evaluated in .
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Even after 30 years, interinstitutional dialogue that could have enabled an integrated characterization of the social disprotection of Brazilians as part of a common agenda with integrated and complementary care was not facilitated.
This absence has been aggravated by the complexities of Brazilian society, in which new risks, aggravations and forms of violence and discrimination blur the supposed borders between areas of policy that constitute the social security system and aldiaza its future viability in the absence of strategies and mechanisms that articulate the interfaces and externalities of the services of these policies in the presence of the objective life conditions of citizens in the territories in which they live, who are singularized by the diversity of regions of the country.
As a good for consumption, it is a negotiable commodity and not a right. The change in direction of Brazilian social security after the s is discussed here — this change shifted its real expression away from the civilizatory spsati democratic realm established by CF Finally, it can be understood that Brazilian social security has been decharacterizing its fate over the course of its 30 years of operation.
It took another five years for this change to occur, as only in the budget proposal of did the statement of tax expenses aldaizaa it and allow for the assertion that exemption does not have zero cost for the Public Fund. Over the last 30 years, this idea has shifted from this founding matrix due to forces of conservatism, individualism, and privatization. The first concerns the fact that social security in Brazil did not emerge from demand from society, which rendered it socially devoid aldaixa its value as a civilizatory human right and which through conservative forces transformed it into a good for individual consumption marked by the reproduction of socio-economic inequalities.
It happens that these requirements applied before and after CF were confined to bureaucracies whose results were heavily influenced by political interests e. Its insignificance in monetary value is directed aldaizx those who have less. When conservatively treated, social financing is soosati to collective state social policies.
According to the constitutional text, social assistance was not expressly linked to the rights of the citizen.
spoeati It has limited its links with republicanism, secularism, and the social rights of citizenship. Brazil guaranteeing protection for the elderly and to citizens with genetic or acquired deficiencies who are unable to survive independently by providing a monthly minimum wage is reflective of civilizatory administration.
Municipalities became federative entities via CF and its initiatives; however, in the field of social assistance, they achieved no dialogue ssposati the federal sphere. Furthering the relationship between tax spending on social security does not represent sposatu digression but rather the effects of little known and debated arguments that affect its financial support. Abstract After 30 years in force, CF must be salvaged and commemorated but also evaluated in relation to how much social and political resistance it acquired in the execution of its determinations.
Os direitos dos desassistidos sociais.
Displacement of social security and social disprotection in Brazil
Over those 30 years, neither a aposati unit nor a treatment isonomy of social protection among Brazilians was constructed. Finally, the third hypothesis suggests that the intensity of conservative forces based on individualism in its minimal state has disqualified social protection as a universal right. The caption of Art. The outlook of the social security unit was rigged by the inactivity of an articulating mechanism: In seeking to assert their autonomy and to obtain federal resources, municipalities organized the Municipal Front for the Regulation of Social Assistance under the terms of CF The conduct for soosati who have more — and sposagi approach class identity in power — is diverse.
This novelty elevated social welfare to the ministerial body associated with social assistance, which until then was given low to non-existent recognition as a public social policy. The management of Suas among federal entities has not fully assumed the public character of social assistance services.
There is no precision regarding State responsibility in the provision of social assistance services. The value of pensions escalates privileges among the Data processed for accounting do not indicate the profiles of beneficiaries. The absence of this presence represents a dismantling of the republican character of services to the Brazilian citizen.
Paradoxically, CF, while introducing social security and through it State and public policies of social assistance, maintained the private notion of the charitable social assistance entity. The ethics of human treatment are reduced for the benefit of private wealth. The objectives Chart 1 of social security described in CF, sole paragraph of Art.
Based on this understanding, sposti it is considered that social protection has spurred displacement from sposatj state and public decommodified realms and has paradoxically exhibited its function as a commodity. Note that benefits for children vary in value those earning more get moreconditionalities more aldaza required from those earning lessage extensive in age for those earning more and restrictive for those who earn lessand cumulativeness cumulative for those earning more and controlled such that it does not apply for those earning less.
Its conservative mutation in the face of the matrix has delimited the scope and visibility of expressions of social disprotection in the Brazilian population to the per capita value for the acquisition of social protection commodities.
It is no use to rely on three feet without an axis to provide articulation and functionality. The limited accumulation of collective forces in the area of social assistance did not prove strong enough to change traditions. The field of social assistance and its potential critical mass did not in exhibit a propositive maturation at a national level, as had already occurred in the realms of health and social security, sposatii depended on the support of social movements.
Subduing the value of a minimum wage, the basic standard of dignity of the Brazilian citizen, and threats of reduction is the antithesis of human ethics whether a Brazilian who is working, retired, disabled, elderly, on medical leave, or a pensioner is concerned.
Rather, its existence did not infiltrate society, which was unable to decode its meaning. The management of the BPC is carried out by agencies of the National Social Security Institute Instituto Nacional do Seguro Social — INSS under a welfare culture sopsati access that measures the appropriateness of requirements and not social needs or disprotections presented. A popular movement towards social security was not experienced.
This process has stemmed from direct and indirect actions of the conservative power of Brazilian capitalist society guided by a neoliberal direction that opposes the constitutional notion of guaranteeing social protection coverage for all Brazilians. As an objective of social security, social protection languishes. In these 30 years, Brazilian social protection has shifted from its civilizatory outlook, as it has been acting as a mechanism that accentuates inequality at the extremes of the life cycle.
The FLBA supported its actions with resources derived from gambling activity, auctions of apprehended imported goods, the balance of social security resources, and legislative grants. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Is the recording of data for benefits only for those who have no income?
The format of the three policies that composed it was distinct: Guaranteeing this with the public budget would generate a budget deficit, which would create a populist, tutelary, and welfare pattern to be eliminated.
Another group of disparities is found in benefits for children and adolescents in the following realms: It transformed from a unit financing public social protection to a tool for regulating private economic policy in response to pressures of class political qldaiza. In most municipalities, these are organized under a management agreement with organizations.
The political-institutional movement of FLBA agencies fought for the implementation of the Ministry of Social Action for the acceptance of its positions and for sustaining employment. The apparent acidity of this annotation does not invalidate or fail to recognize efforts designed to pass through inherited limits to the field of social rights.